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The Balkan wars were a series of conflicts that led to the disintegration of the former Republic of Yugoslavia. Occurring over a decade-long period between 1991 and 2001, these conflicts ultimately affected all six former Yugoslav republics--allegiances were largely split along republic borders. All of the conflicts had underlying ethnic, political and religious origins. The Balkan Wars were not contained to conflicts between the Serbs and their neighboring republics of Croatia, Bosnia and Albania. Fighting between the Bosniaks and the Croats, as well as between the Macedonians and Albanians was often just as fierce.
The purpose of this lens is to provide you with a basic understanding of the Balkan Wars--primarily, its causes and events. Or, if you are already familiar with these wars, to offer you an opportunity to revisit them. Although these events are extraordinarily complex, controversial and difficult to understand without in-depth study and exposure, I'll try to explain the political, economic, diplomatic and military dimensions, as well as the ethnic, cultural and religious tensions that continue to plague the Balkan region...still, today.
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Serbia (including Kosovo and Vojvodina) had a prewar population 9,800,000. Serbia is the largest and most populous of the republics of the Former Yujoslavia. 66% are ethnic Serb of traditionally Eastern Orthodox religion. Until 1989, Serbia also had two autonomous regions, Kosovo (to the south) and Vojvodina (in the north). Kosovo, bordering Albania, was the historic seat of a traditional Serbian kingdom and the site of the famous Battle of Kosovo at Kosovo Polje ("Field of Blackbirds")in 1389, when the Serbs were conquered by Ottoman forces. Today Kosovo's population is 90% ethnic Albanian, most of them Muslims. The Albanians are a pre-Slavic ethnic group speaking a distinct language unrelated to the various forms of Serbo-Croatian spoken throughout the former Yugoslavia.
Croatia had a prewar population 4.8 million and is the second largest republic of former Yugoslavia. Prior to the war, 79% of Croatia's residents were ethnic Croatian and 12% ethnic Serb, who were concentrated in the Krajina region, which closely follows Croatia's border with Bosnia. Most Croatians are Roman Catholic. Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia in June 1991. During the summer of 1995, Croatian forces reclaimed the Krajina and drove more than 200,000 Serbs to exile in Serbia.
Montenegro had a prewar population 584,000 and was the only republic not conquered by the Ottoman Empire or other outside powers. Mostly Serb Orthodox, Montenegro and Serbia now comprise what is left of Yugoslavia.
Slovenia had a prewar population 1,892,000, and has the smallest in land mass but the wealthiest of the former republics. Slovenia is also the closest to Western Europe, sharing a border with Austria. Its population is almost entirely composed of ethnic Slovenes, who have their own distinctive Slavic language and traditions. Slovenia declared its independence at the same time as Croatia, in June 1991.See this Article:
NPR: 'Yugonostalgia' Takes hold in Slovenia
Macedonia had a pre-war population 2,000,000. Home to Macedonian Slavs (66%) who are mostly Orthodox Christians with some Muslims, Albanians (25%-35%) who are mostly Muslim, and a host of smaller minorities (Turks, Gypsies, Vlachs). Macedonia became the only former Yugoslav republic to make a nonviolent transition to independence in 1992. The Albanian population has long demanded some degree of cultural autonomy and, until the current crisis, most Macedonian Albanians have attempted to go about this by working within the existing power structures.
Seven neighboring countries, and problems with all of them;
During World War II, armed groups claiming allegiance to various ethnic factions fought both against each other and against the Nazi occupiers. By 1945, almost 1 million Yugoslavs had lost their lives, most of them at the hands of other Yugoslavs. Croatian fascists (Ustashe) were the most notorious for killing Serbs, Jews, Gypsies, Communists, and political opponents, but Serb Chetniks were also responsible for many mass killings. The Communist-led Partisans fought against both groups and were victorious (with Allied support) at the war's end. The Partisan leader, Josip Broz (Tito), ruled the country as a one-party socialist state.
Serbia's Communist Party leader, Slobodan Milosevic, began invoking Serb nationalism, and quickly consolidated his power to become the unchallenged ruler of Serbia. Through his control of the party apparatus and control of the media, he was able to become the dominant leader in Yugoslavia. Throughout his time as President of Serbia, his priority was the preservation of power and the creation of a "Greater Serbia."
Slovenia was the most vocal opponent of reform and the strongest advocate of autonomy because it was also the most affluent and most Western of the republics. Leaders in Slovenia, followed by Croatia were the first to portray Serbia as imperialistic and as the enemy of democracy. Slovenia encouraged a loose confederation among republics in order to weaken Serbia's tight grip on the central government. In November 1989, Slovenia unilaterally asserted constitutional sovereignty over its borders and walked out of the Congress of the League of Communists. They largely dared Serbia to invade, threatening a slow strategy of guerilla warfare and attrition. This action emboldened the other republics, especially Croatia. In June 1989, the Serb-dominated central government sent the JNA into Slovenia, ostensibly to protect Yugoslav territorial integrity. But Yugoslavia had already begun an irreversible dissolution. Within ten days the Slovenes gained victory through a Serb withdrawal. Knowing well where the Serb population resided, Milosevic threw all of this efforts into a Greater Serbia.
The Yugoslav National Army (JNA) --with a predominantly Serb officers' corps --responded with brutal attacks supported by Serb nationalist militias in Croatia and Bosnia.
Throughout Bosnia, Bosnian Serb nationalists and the JNA began a systematic policy of "ethnic cleansing" to erase all vestiges of the non-Serb populace and establish a "racially pure" Serb republic. They drove out all other ethnic groups by terrorizing and sytematically displacing non-Serbs through direct shelling and sniper attacks. Entire villages were destroyed. Thousands were forcibly expelled from their homes, held in detention camps, raped, tortured, deported, or summarily executed. Rape and executions were often a military tactic employed to destroy the bonds of families and communities. Throughout the war, many fervently wished to preserve a multiethnic state, but nationalistic groups on all three sides employed various military and political strategies to achieve territorial advantage for their respective side at the expense of the others.
When the Bosnian Serbs and Serbia attacked Bosnia-Herzegovina in March 1992, the Bosnian Croats and Muslims collaborated to defend themselves. As Serbian pressure increased and it became clear that the West would not intervene,This is the second part of a movie about the birth, death, and rebirth of Stari Most (Old Bridge), the celebrated link joining the two halves of Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The bridge has become a symbol of the fragile connection that all people share, even during times of war. Its rebirth helps close the brink that divided the two bitter rivals who fought each other during the civil war that ravaged Bosnia and Herzegovina. This movie is a reminder of what was lost, and then found again.
The Bosnian War in many ways represented President Clinton's "baptism of fire" in the foreign affairs arena. Because the disintegration of Yugoslavia began in 1991, President Clinton inherited the Balkan Crisis from the previous Bush Administration. The complexity and violence scale of of the Balkan conflict did not lend itself to easy or quick results. Former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance along with former British Foreign Secretary Lord David Owen, participated in peace initiatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Vance-Owen Peace Plan was the first concerted attempt to resolve the crisis. It proposed a division of Bosnia into ten federated provinces three of which would be designated as Serb, three Croat, three Moslem and one mixed, and subject to a central government. Under the plan, Serbia was required to withdraw from some portions of the territory it seized but would retain control over other occupied territories. Under the plan, roughly 43 percent of Bosnia would remain in Serb hands.
Serbia:
The failure of the UN to halt or even contain the violence in Bosnia seriously compromised its credibility as it neared its 50th anniversary in 1995. The UN already had UNPROFOR (United Nations Protection Force) troops in Sarajevo at the outset of war because it was their base of operation for the UN mission in Croatia. The UN hoped that their presence would discourage the spread of the conflict from Croatia to Bosnia. But when Sarajevo came under attack by Serb artillery in April 1992, the UN forces pulled out to avoid casualties, leaving behind only a small and lightly armed contingent of peacekeepers to discourage attacks by Bosnian Serb nationalists. As the situation deteriorated, a humanitarian cataclysm developed. The UN struck a deal with the Serbs to control the Sarajevo airport, but it remained under de facto Serb control and constant observation. During the next three years, the airport was the scene of hundreds of casualties. UN humanitarian flights were repeatedly fired upon and Bosnian civilians were killed by sniper fire as they attempted to escape across the tarmac. All aid flights and personnel transports had to be approved by Serb liaison officers stationed at the airport. In one of the most flagrant failures of the UN to provide adequate protection to the peace process, the Bosnian Deputy Prime Minister was shot point-blank by Bosnian Serb nationalists in 1992 while riding in a UN armored personnel carrier at the airport.
"First, you have to remember that the UN operation was aimed at humanitarian relief. That was the mandate. A lot of things can be said about the way things went when you are sitting in your office chair a few thousand miles away. The truth is that European countries were also frustrated by the way things went, but the tipping point in the summer of '95 is not US resolve and leadership but the fact that France and the UK decided in July to send a 12,000 man Rapid Reaction Force in Bosnia without asking anybody. This force was aimed at protecting UN troops and if necessary help evacuate them. Part of this force were a few French 155 mm tank mounted guns that were positioned on Mount Igman overlooking Sarajevo."
The Dayton Peace Accords, signed on December 14, 1995, by Presidents Milosevic, Izetbegovic, and Tudjman, affirmed Sarajevo as the capital of Bosnia but carved Bosnia into two autonomous and ethnically based entities, separated by a demilitarized zone of separation (ZOS). The Serbs, in control of the Republika Srpska, were allocated 49% of the territory of Bosnia. The Bosnians were granted the remaining 51% of the country, called the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was an uneasy alliance of Bosnian Muslims and Croats. Today, each entity has its own government, military, and police. A central government handles banking and foreign policy.
Shortly after the Dayton accords were signed, the international Implementation Force (IFOR), a NATO-led peacekeeping force of 60,000 soldiers, arrived in Bosnia. Though heavy weapons were pulled back from front lines and the killing of civilians stopped, most non-Serbs were "cleansed" from Serb-held areas (like Srebrenica) and attempts to return them to their homes has been met with only mixed success. Likewise, many Serbs left Federation-controlled territories. IFOR was replaced by the NATO Stabilization Force (SFOR); and SFOR has since been replaced by a European Force (EUFOR), that is rapidly dwindling in numbers.
The International Criminal Tribunal, the first international war crimes court since the Nuremberg trials following World War II, was established by the UN Security Council in February 1993. Based in The Hague, it announced indictments against 75 individuals. Most trials are either completed or in progress. Two remain pending capture--Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic.
After the failed U.S. humanitarian intervention in Somalia, the Bosnian War became a symbol of futility for the United Nations, Europe and the United States--which was especially reluctant to cross what had become known as the "Mogadishu Line." As the situation in Bosnia deteriorated, President Bill Clinton's credibility began a rapid downslide. His decision to intervene in a robust way finally proved to be decisive. Ultimately, NATO's bombing and the western Croat offensive turned the tide of the war and forced the Bosnian Serbs to the negotiating table. In its wake, the Bosnian intervention fundamentally changed the scope and nature of future humanitarian interventions. Pavarotti & U2 - Modena - Miss Sarajevo One of my favorite songs...thanks Pavarotti :)
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Fetching RSS feed... please stand byPortrait of Mostar's Stari Most ("The Old Bridge"). Comes in Black and Red
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Feel free to add your favorite Bosnia-related books to this list if it's not already listed!